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Russia and Iran Deepen Ties to Challenge Trump and the United States

Iranian President Hassan Rouhani (R) meets with Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin during the Gas Exporting Countries Forum (GECF) summit in Tehran, on November 23, 2015. Putin arrived in Tehran on his first trip to Iran in eight years, for talks on the devastating conflict in Syria where both countries support the Damascus regime. AFP PHOTO / ATTA KENARE / AFP PHOTO / ATTA KENARE

Last month, the former U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry met privately with Iran’s foreign minister, Javad Zarif, on the sidelines of the Munich Security Conference, a global gathering of foreign-policy glitterati. The diplomatic odd couple once met openly and often—more with each other than with any other foreign leaders—during two years of feisty negotiations over the Iran nuclear deal. No longer. The meeting in Munich, attended by others involved in the accord, might have produced backlash in both Washington and Tehran. Kerry quietly urged the Iranians not to abandon the deal or violate its terms—whatever the Trump Administration does.

A few days later, I was in Moscow for the Valdai Discussion Club conference on the Middle East. The keynote event featured the snowy-haired Zarif and his gruffly imposing Russian counterpart, Sergey Lavrov, sitting next to each other, chummily, on white leather chairs. Both men spoke at length to diplomats and specialists from thirty countries, and then fielded questions. Afterward, they held widely covered bilateral deliberations. “The positions of Iran and Russia on many regional issues are very close,” Zarif pronounced.

What a difference a year—and a policy reversal—can make. The Trump Administration’s decision to challenge the 2015 Iran nuclear deal now carries a broad geostrategic price. The relationship between Moscow and Tehran—once tactical militarily, coldly calculating diplomatically, and practical economically—has been converted into a growing strategic partnership. Vladimir Putin’s relentless quest to make Russia a superpower again is part of it; Iran’s goal is just to be a player again. Since President Trump took office, in 2017, Moscow and Tehran have shared increasingly common bonds: growing tensions with Washington and a quest to expand spheres of influence in the Middle East.

“Two years ago, it was the United States that framed regional issues, even for Iran,” Kayhan Barzegar, the director of the Institute for Middle East Strategic Studies, in Tehran, and a former fellow at Harvard’s Belfer Center, told me in Moscow. “Now that’s over. Now it’s Russia which is very tempting to regional actors, to attach to the Russian dynamic. The U.S. produced regional confusion. Russia filled the power vacuum.”

The deepening ties were reflected when Putin flew to Tehran, in November, for talks with Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and President Hassan Rouhani. “Our coöperation can isolate America,” Khamenei told Putin, according to Iran’s media. Putin called the growing Russian-Iran coöperation “very productive.”

Putin and Khamenei spent a highly unusual hour together, one on one, accompanied only by interpreters. “The most important thing that Putin said was, ‘I will not betray you,’ ” Ali Vaez, an Iranian-American who heads the Iran portfolio of the Brussels-based International Crisis Group, told me.

The talks came less than three weeks after Trump announced that he would not certify Iran’s compliance with the landmark nuclear deal—despite repeated reports by the U.N. nuclear watchdog, the International Atomic Energy Agency, that Tehran had consistently fulfilled its obligations. The White House is required by Congress to certify Iran’s compliance every ninety days.

Trump’s decision was a step closer to walking away from an accord negotiated by the world’s six major powers—in which the Kerry-Zarif talks were pivotal—and then formally endorsed in a unanimous U.N. Security Council resolution. In what the Times described as a “fire-breathing” speech, Trump said, in October, “We will not continue down a path whose predictable conclusion is more violence, more chaos, the very real threat of Iran’s nuclear breakout.”

Putin’s message to Khamenei was basically, You can trust us, Vaez said. We won’t renege like the Americans. “This is a pivotal moment in an evolving alliance that over the past few decades has never gone beyond a tactical relationship,” Vaez added. “It has implications across the Middle East and for the wider world.”

In January, Trump took one step further. He put Iran on notice that he would “terminate” the nuclear deal—formally known by the longwinded title of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, or J.C.P.O.A.—unless it agreed to change the terms. “No one should doubt my word,” Trump said in a statement. None of the other major parties—Europe, Russia, or China—support amending the accord.

Far more than the deal is on the line, however. “The stakes are not just the J.C.P.O.A.. It’s the future of Iran,” Nasser Hadian, a U.S.-educated political scientist at Tehran University, who also taught at Columbia University, told me. “Revolutionary-ness, the fervor, may be over. But what about the mind-set of the people in the future? The U.S. is pushing us into the arms of the Russians, intentionally or unintentionally. Sometimes, we think that the U.S. prefers Iran to be in the Russian orbit than to have an independent Iran.”

Over the past year, military coördination between Moscow and Tehran has also intensified. Qassem Soleimani, the flamboyant head of Iran’s élite Quds Force, a branch of the Revolutionary Guards that is roughly equivalent to American Special Operations Forces, was the front man on military coördination between the two nations, especially in Syria, beginning in 2015. Contacts now go much higher. In November, the chief of staff of Russia’s armed forces, General Valery Gerasimov, flew to Tehran for talks with his Iranian counterpart, Major General Mohammad Bagheri, a former military intelligence expert in the Revolutionary Guards who now oversees both the Guards and the regular Iranian Army, Navy, and Air Force.

“There is good military coöperation between Iran and Russia, and, of course, there are many areas for expanding coöperation,” Bagheri declared. The two military chiefs are in increasing contact, Russian and Iranian sources told me.

Moscow and Tehran are far from natural allies. For centuries, the neighboring Russian and Persian empires were rivals. They fought a series of wars between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries, forcing Iran to cede territories to Russia in what are today the countries of Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan, plus other properties in the Caucasus and Central Asia. Russia’s occupation of Iran during the Second World War—and its refusal to leave afterward—produced the first crisis of the new U.N. Security Council. President Harry Truman’s ultimatum to Stalin to withdraw from Iran seeded the Cold War. Iran’s monarchy so feared the Communist regime that it allowed the C.I.A. to build a key listening post along the border. After its 1979 Revolution, the new Islamic Republic condemned its atheist neighbor to the north; “Neither East Nor West” became the creed of its foreign policy. The Soviet Union armed and advised Iraq during the eight-year bloodbath after Saddam Hussein invaded Iran. Moscow was as anathema as Washington. “In Iran, there’s a long history of deep distrust of the Russians,” Hadian said.

Relations improved after the Soviet Union’s demise, in 1991, though with limited and self-serving intent. A weakened Russia took over construction of a commercial nuclear reactor in the southwestern port city Bushehr, a plan first negotiated between the Shah and Germany in the nineteen-seventies. Russia’s troubled munitions industry did deals with weapons-hungry Iran, including the sale of S-300 surface-to-air missiles. But Russia was slow to deliver. The contract for Bushehr was struck in the mid-nineties, but the reactor didn’t start running until 2013. The delivery of sam missiles, negotiated in 2007, wasn’t finalized until 2015. “Russia did not deliver on time,” Hadian noted. “But it did deliver.”

Moscow and Tehran still have differences, and their common goals have disparate motives. “Iran is important for us in Syria but also in the Caucasus and Central Asia,” Irina Zvyagelskaya, the chief research fellow at the Russian Academy of Sciences’s Institute of Oriental Studies, told me. “But that’s not to say our relationship is free of friction and tension.”

At the Valdai Club, Lavrov publicly reprimanded Iran for its rhetoric on Israel. “Allegations to the effect that, as a Zionist entity, Israel must be destroyed and wiped from the face of the Earth, are unacceptable,” he said, with Zarif sitting next to him. “This is absolutely the wrong way for someone to promote their interests.” The rebuke made headlines in Israel.

At the same time, Lavrov said, “We do not agree that the attempts are being made to look into any regional issue through the prism of the need to oppose Iran.” It was a conspicuous Russian jab at the U.S. and its Arab monarchies and Israeli allies, who have formed a de-facto alliance with Trump to contain or confront Iran.

In recent months, Russia has followed through by deflecting punitive actions against Iran proposed by Western nations at the United Nations. On February 26th, Russia vetoed a resolution, proposed by the U.K. and backed by the United States, that charged Tehran with violating an arms embargo on Yemen. A U.N. report in January linked Iran with missiles fired by Yemen’s Houthi rebels at Saudi Arabia. Russia’s U.N. envoy charged the report was “selective and contentious.”

In January, Russia, China, and France criticized the United States when it convened a Security Council session to assail Iran’s crackdown on street protests sparked by price hikes and unemployment. The Russian U.N. envoy counteredby asking why the world body had not taken up the U.S. police response to the Black Lives Matter protests in Ferguson, Missouri.

“After the nuclear deal, in 2015, Putin worried about rapprochement between Iran and the United States,” Vaez told me. “He had an interest in preventing that, which coincided with [their coördination in] Syria. A lot has changed. Russia is now Iran’s most important and powerful ally.”

Obama and Romney Clash over Ohio Vehicle Ads


At present, the election campaigns of Mitt Romney is under absolute fire over its allegations that auto bailout made by the Obama administration greatly assisted to shift Ohio jobs to the Chinese market.

In the meantime, the insistence for Chrysler-built Jeep Wranglers clearly exceeds supply these days, and hence the production line continues cranking directly through the lunch period at the well-known Toledo assembly unit where company manufactures them. Tyson Stoll, a company executive who handles a division of the unit, said that he is setting up a new conveyor at the facility as employees bolted axles onto each and every chassis moving along the line.

He added that the company had installed a new glossy balancing machine most recently at the facility. Across the flooring there was yet another indication of the restoration of the production unit, as beeping forklifts recently arrived at the massive warehouse developed to house the progressing masses of crates that are full of clutches, shock absorbers, and many other major apparatuses of the new Wrangler.

In a zone where several hundreds of shuttered, and dumped houses not very far-off from the production unit of Jeep substantiate the destruction resulted by many decades of production turn down, few have not succeeded to detect the unusual spurt of job development at the regional production plants of GM (General Motors), Chrysler, and their associated suppliers. It has been said that the ambitious $500-million growth expansion plan of the Jeep production facility by Chrysler simply means generation of almost 1,100 new job positions for Toledo.

But, presently during the previous week in Toledo, Mitt Romney, the Republican Party 2012 Presidential contestant, has been airing radio and television advertisements suggesting that General Motors, and Chrysler were utilizing the automotive bailout funds provided by the present President Barack Obama to shift jobs from Ohio to China.

In fact, it is one among the final, and most significant attempts by Romney to beat the marginal edge that the Democratic Party’s contestant Obama has been held for several months in the region of Ohio, which is probably the most important state to decide the result of the upcoming 2012 U.S. President election to be held during the next week.

In the most recent Mitt Romney radio ad, an anchor asked what had happened to the assurances made to automotive workers located in Toledo, and all over Ohio. With the help of the newly generated jobs, the unemployment rate of Ohio, which stands at 7-percent, is marginally lesser than that of the entire nation, which is at 7.9-percent.

Here’s why people in Iran are protesting, and what’s likely to happen next


The protests currently taking place in Iran are some of the biggest seen there for almost a decade, and even more widespread than the pro-reform demonstrations of 2009 that erupted after the re-election of then-president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.

Since Thursday tens of thousands of Iranians have taken to the streets across the country, venting their anger at government policies and corruption, economic conditions, rising food prices and unemployment.

But history shows they are unlikely to succeed in bringing any real change, far less toppling the Islamic regime in Tehran.

Just as Iran’s paramilitary Revolutionary Guards and Basij militia crushed the protests nine years ago, a similar brutal backlash is likely this time, the longer the protests continue.

Who are the protesters?

As in 2009, the protesters this time appear to be mostly young.

Official figures show 90 per cent of those arrested so far are under 25 — the group most likely to be affected by unemployment and economic hardship.

Many protests are in far-flung towns that are rural and relatively poor, suggesting working class Iranians make up the bulk of Wednesday’s unrest.

Nine years ago it was more middle class Iranians who were taking to the streets in the capital Tehran and urban centres.

Why are the protesters angry?

The protests erupted on Thursday, initially over a sudden increase in the price of foods such as eggs.

In recent weeks egg and poultry prices have soared around 40 per cent, partly because millions of chickens had to be destroyed because of a regional outbreak of bird flu.

It was the final straw for many Iranians who have lived under crippling international sanctions for years, and very quickly they turned their anger on Iran’s leaders, including President Hassan Rouhani and Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.

Although President Rouhani is seen as a moderate, since 2013 he has wound back state subsidies for fuel, energy and basic staples, and cut cash payments to Iranian households — overturning a populist policy introduced by his predecessor Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.

The latest measures will effectively raise the price of fuel in next year’s budget by 50 per cent.

A group of protesters faces off against armoured police.

There is also deep frustration at continuing unemployment and inflation.

Many Iranians had hoped the easing of international sanctions in 2016, after Tehran signed a nuclear deal with Western powers, would give the economy a powerful boost and create desperately needed jobs.

They believed the resumption of oil sales on the international market would deliver an economic boom.

But despite some economic growth, the benefits of foreign revenue have failed to trickle down to the young and poor.

Unemployment has reached nearly 29 per cent this year. In some areas it is above 45 per cent.

Inflation — though falling — is still running around 10 per cent.

On top of that many international sanctions are still in place, as the US and other Western powers maintain pressure on Iran to end its nuclear program and end its state sponsorship of terrorist or extremist groups including Hezbollah and other Shiite militias.

At the same time the Iranian regime is boosting funding to Islamic clerics and pro-government religious institutions.

That has led to accusations of government corruption and outright calls for the death of President Rouhani and Ayatollah Ali Khamanei.

Many Iranians want their government to do more to create jobs and boost the domestic economy, and withdraw its military support and funding for foreign conflicts, namely the civil wars in Syria and Yemen.

Protesters have been chanting the name Reza Shah, who was the Shah of Iran from 1925 to 1941 and the father of Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, the Shah who was overthrown in the Islamic Revolution in 1979.

Reza Shah admired Turkey’s Ataturk and set Iran on a similar path of Westernisation and secularisation. In chanting his name, the protesters are emphasising that they do not want an Islamic Republic.

How widespread are the protests?

The protests began at Mashhad — Iran’s second biggest city, in the country’s northeast — but quickly spread across the country, including the capital Tehran where at least 450 people have been arrested.

In central Iran, nine people were killed in Isfahan province — six of them in an attack on a police station at Qahderijan.

Four mosques were burnt down at Savad Kuh.

At Najafabad protesters opened fire on police, killing one and wounding three.

Two protesters were shot dead at Izeh in Iran’s southwest.

Russia vetoes U.N. resolution citing Iran sanctions violation


Russia vetoed a British-drafted U.N. resolution on Monday that took aim at Iran over a report by U.N. experts that said the country violated an arms embargo by failing to prevent missiles and drones from being supplied to Shiite rebels in Yemen.

The vote in the Security Council was 11 in favor, Russia and Bolivia opposed, and China and Kazakhstan abstaining.

Britain sought to focus attention on a report in January by the U.N. panel of experts monitoring sanctions against Iran that examined missile remnants fired into Saudi Arabia by Houthi rebels last year and said many “are consistent with those of the Iranian designed and manufactured Qiam-1 missile.”

It concluded that Iran was in “non-compliance” with the 2015 U.N. arms embargo on Yemen because it failed “to take the necessary measures” to prevent the direct or indirect supply of missiles and drones to the Houthis.

Britain’s deputy U.N. ambassador, Jonathan Allen, urged council members not to “shy away from calling out those whose actions undermine international peace and security.”

“This council needs to stand firm in the face of state non-compliance and send a clear message that it will not be tolerated,” he said.

To try to get Russian support, Britain first dropped a condemnation of Iran in the text. And during last-minute negotiations, it dropped a promise of “additional measures” against violators of the arms embargo and also softened language from “expressing concern” to “taking note with particular concern” of the experts’ findings.

But Russia’s U.N. Ambassador Vassily Nebenzia wasn’t satisfied.

He accused Britain of sowing “discord at a time when the Security Council is in dire need of closing its ranks” by bringing the resolution to a vote knowing it would be vetoed.

Nebenzia called the panel’s “selective and contentious conclusions” unverified and uncorroborated. And he warned that the resolution’s adoption would have “dangerous, destabilizing ramifications” in Yemen and the region.

“This will inevitably escalate regional tensions and lead to conflicts among key regional players,” he told the council, warning of the “grave danger in toying with geopolitical maps” and antagonizing relations in the Middle East between Sunnis and Shiites.

Yemen, the Arab world’s most impoverished country with a population of 26 million, plunged into war in 2014 after the Houthis took over the capital Sanaa and forced the internationally recognized government to flee and seek support from neighboring Gulf countries.

In March 2015, a Saudi-led, U.S.-backed coalition began what has turned into a devastating war that has killed more than 10,000 people, displaced 2 million, and created the world’s worst humanitarian disaster. Saudi Arabia views the Houthis as an Iranian proxy.

Kelley Currie, the U.S. ambassador for economic and social affairs, said the council’s failure to pass the British resolution “set back our collective efforts to promote peace in Yemen.”

“Today, Russia accused the majority of this council of attempting to destabilize the region by supporting the U.K.’s text,” she said. “This is perverse when, in fact, Russia’s veto today serves only to protect Iran’s efforts to destabilize the region and spread its malign influence.”

Instead of demanding accountability from Iran, Currie told the council that Russia, Bolivia, China and Kazakhstan “decided to shield Tehran from responsibility.”

U.S. Ambassador Nikki Haley, who was flying to Central America, warned in a statement: “If Russia is going to use its veto to block action against Iran’s dangerous and destabilizing conduct, then the United States and our partners will need to take actions against Iran that the Russians cannot block.”

Iran’s U.N. Mission reiterated Monday that it “categorically rejects allegations regarding arms transfer to Yemen.”

“Today, U.S. and U.K. attempted to misuse Security Council procedures to advance their political agenda and put the blame of all that has happened in Yemen on Iran by pushing an unwarranted draft resolution,” the mission said in a statement.

Iran accused the United States and Britain of being “the major military supporters of the war of aggression against Yemen.”

The British-drafted resolution would also have extended sanctions on Yemen, which expired Monday, and the mandate of the panel of experts.

Immediately after the British draft was vetoed, a rival Russian draft was put to a vote.

It made no mention of Iran or the panel of experts’ report, but simply extended sanctions against Yemen until Feb. 26, 2019, and the mandate of the panel of experts until March 28, 2019. That resolution was adopted unanimously.

Iran May Follow Venezuela In Launching Its Own Cryptocurrency


Iran has announced its intent to establish a national cryptocurrency. In a tweet posted Wednesday, an Iranian official said that a test model for a “cloud-based digital currency” is being developed for submission to the Iranian banking system.

The official, Mohammad-Javad Azari Jahromi, heads Iran’s Ministry of Information and Communications Technology. Jahromi made the announcement after a meeting with the state-owned Post Bank of Iran.

It is not yet clear what role the currency will play in the Iranian banking system. Iran’s central bank has hinted at regulating cryptocurrencies in the past, even suggesting the adoption of an “infrastructure” to integrate digital currencies into the country’s financial system.

But the central bank backpedaled on Wednesday just as news of the state-sponsored digital currency went public. In a statement reported by Iran Front Page news, the Central Bank of Iran highlighted the “highly unreliable and risky” nature of cryptocurrency markets. It warned that Iranians “may lose their financial assets” in a space marked by extreme volatility and “pyramid scheme”-like businesses.

The announcement comes on the heels of Venezuela’s oil-backed “petro” cryptocurrency launch earlier this week. Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro claims that the cryptocurrency has raised over $700 million for the cash-strapped country. But doubts remain over the currency’s long-term viability, as Venezuela struggles to profit from the oil reserves that are supposed to back it.

There are fears that the rise of state-backed cryptocurrencies could pose a challenge to international efforts to regulate financial transactions and impose sanctions. The countries most interested in the technology – Iran, Venezuela and Russia – are all targeted by U.S. sanctions.

The Treasury Department has warned that U.S. citizens purchasing these currencies may be violating sanctions laws. And just last month, Treasury officials told Congressthat rogue states and international criminal organizations are using virtual currencies “to launder their ill-gotten gains.”

Business Grants: Achieve The Ideal Goal


Maybe you have considered winning free money to satisfy all of your needs? The federal government decides to allow this desire to its citizens. It provides free money by means of federal government grants, that you can use for educational purposes, to begin a company, buying homes, etc. Free funding is supplied by many people corporations, foundations, private entities, federal and condition programs, etc.

The majority of the Us residents are generally not aware of those grants, or don’t want to feel the hassle to attain a grant. There’s no gain without discomfort, if you want the disposable money you have to work with it. You have to spend some time to analyze about all of the grants, after which write a suitable grant proposal.

Nothing great was ever achieved without enthusiasm. If you’re passionate about creating your personal business, the federal government is willing to help you. There’s lots of funding available by means of loans and grants, business start-ups and expansions for small company entrepreneurs. This free cash is supplied by the federal government, a couple of foundations and company organizations.

Grants for small companies are relevant to a number of industries, including: Healthcare, Cosmetology, Day Care, Fitness Gyms, Transportation Companies, etc. You should use the cash with the idea to begin a start up business or expand your overall business.

Unemployment rates are high because of economic decline, and also at this type of time when the government is giving the chance to begin your personal business, you need to certainly provide an opportunity. In case your business endured losses because of natural calamities such as the recent hurricane, you are able to make an application for these grants to recuperate losing and re-establish your company.Aside from supplying start-up capital, business grants will also be helpful to individuals who would like to extend their business, or make changes into it.

If you want to provide a brand new direction for your business for marketing purposes, small company grants could be a major supply of funding. You will find vast amounts of dollars available by means of these grants. If you’re disabled, fit in with a minority community, or remain in a province, you will find special possibilities for you personally too. You will find special business grants for individuals who’re a minority, whether it is women, gays, or relatives of gays.

Why Are Product Fulfilment Services So Important?


In the present retail sector, discussions regarding happen too often. While discussing about product services, we forget few key issues that make fulfilment services pretty significant in the sector. It is to be understood and is a collective by-product of intra-industry discussion. For this particular reason, it is imperative to sporadically step back, and view the fulfilment services in basic manner. With these services, you can believe that managers assess the particulars of fulfilment product services via simple and sensible prism.

product fulfilment services

Why Product Fulfilment Services Are More Important?

This is a basic question, and the answer seems to be pretty simple. Product fulfilment services are much important and when you work with this, you will be ensured that customers get the products in timely manner.

Several studies have shown that the delivery speed can be one of the determining factors when it comes to customer returns, apart from the quality, reliability, and customer service. So, whether you function as a part of dedicated product fulfilment Services Company, or in-house product fulfilment services team, you need to remember the importance of the role.

Whenever a package arrives at the customer’s home or on loading dock of the company, you are delivering an important message about the company that you represent. If the product is incomplete, late or damaged, you have delivered a wrong or negative message. It will be read in an emotional, distinct, and explicit way by the customer. They tend to think that you don’t care about them.

Do They Sound Interesting?

Product fulfilment services sound interesting, right? Yes of course, simply considering that the fulfilment services are operated in the responsive sphere, it doesn’t divert you from commonplace problems that you encounter in your daily life as a fulfilment manager.

Ins and Outs

There are several important ways for keeping the customers contented. For instance, an auto-parts firm needs to ship the necessary devices to the customers within few business days. Whenever individuals receive the parts on time, they are likely to bring their business back to the same company. Long delays will certainly lead to look somewhere else, particularly if they have problems with the security.

How Do Product Fulfilment Services Help the Business?

Professional service businesses will certainly help in distribution part. Once you rent proper warehouse, you can work with the contractors for organizing goods. Few companies choose shipping goods locally, but business expansion eventually requires more overnight options to the customers who stay on the other side of the country. As long as they gain profits by delivering products to the customers who stay longer, their business will continue to do well.

Defective products will be returned to the customers quickly. For this particular reason, women and men should have a fair policy, which allows purchasers to get complete refund. If one product happens to be obsolete across board, then it should be recalled.

Eventually, the product fulfilment services are completely exploited as a way of increasing the overall efficiency of business. When you see that customers are kept happy, they are likely to return for more purchases in future. Professional agencies also help small businesses in establishing energetic support to expand into the other market areas.

Importance of Private Equity Group in Business


How Can Private Equity Groups Help Your Business?

In finance, private equity is considered important as the asset class comprises of equity securities in operating the companies, which are not traded publicly on the stock exchange.

Private equity financing will allow businesses to utilize alternative resources when you find no bank fund available. Money can be made available by the private equity group where investors have options to take up a position in the company.

private equity group

Even when a business doesn’t need to be sold necessarily, one can use this particular financing policy for enhancing the competitiveness and also to attract more number of customers.

These private equity groups are fairly reachable unlike other traditional options such as bank loans. A bank can go through the business with a superfine tooth comb that can scrutinize the operational costs and expenses when businesses come into existence.

Types of Private Equity Financing

There are four main private equity financing types. You can see venture capital, mezzanine capital, growth capital, and leveraged buyouts. All these equity variants are well-matched for several other businesses with precise preferences.

Venture capital is also provided by the investors as a start-up funding for firms, which lack ability to enter capital markets. Growth capital is particularly meant for seasoned companies, who look for restructuring the capital or to expand into newer markets. Mezzanine capital enters the servicing debt and equity financing. Finally, the leveraged buyout involves with any another company.

If you want to sell your business successfully with the help of private equity financing, your business should meet all requirements of PEG. They also assess risks that are involved and see how they can earn profitable returns in a feasible manner.

Formulate a Good business Plan before Seeking PE Investments

Most of the investors show their interest towards your company when the profits are comparatively better than what you obtain in stock markets. You should not humiliate yourself by requesting for PEG financing without proper business plan, competent management team, a marketing dossier, and iron-clad financial history.

This private financing type can be one of the most complex options. You may require professional help for this. A well rounded professional will also save the company. They also help in cutting down the extended request procedure and offer you many options. It is also good for you as it enables highest bidding rate.

PEG for Major Expansion Projects

Funding for major business expansion seems like an overwhelming task even for the most qualified management. For this particular reason, it is always sensible to take private equity financing with the help of a fund raiser.

private equity group in business

Why Should You Choose This Option?

There are several other reasons here that can address your requirements.

  • Reduces the time taken for finding, negotiating, and closing the financial deal.
  • Ability to identify the precise private equity funder with adequate capital.
  • Ability to offer critical info regarding the expectations concerned to particular funders; therefore, the funding request can be targeted.
  • It also saves the business money by handling several other tasks you would pay for the high priced management to handle.
  • Having in-depth knowledge of the funding marketplace